Home / 50th Anniversary of Democratic Reform in Tibet / Opinion Tools: Save | Print | E-mail | Most Read | Comment
West in dark on Tibet, basic facts shed light
Adjust font size:

The prevailing political opinion on Tibet in the West is so much based on simplistic conceptions, so as a Chinese scholar I find it worthy to reveal some key facts about Tibet.

First and foremost, Tibet was never a political and social Shangri-La before the peaceful liberation of Tibet in 1951. The social and political systems there were extremely medieval: brutal serfdom, totally authoritarian theocracy, and the unlimited privileges and parasitic rule of a priest class whose huge size was almost incredibly disproportionate to the size of the Tibetan population as a whole. It was neither an independent region in the sense that from the Yuan Dynasty in the 13th Century to the early Qing in the 17th Century, the legal supremacy of China's central government over Tibet had been gradually established. The legitimacy of theocratic rule of the successive Dalai Lamas was created, re-confirmed and re-granted by the central governments from the early Qing Dynasty to the end of Kuomintang-ruled China in 1949.

Despite an agreement between Dalai Lama and Beijing on maintaining the social and political status quo, theocratic serf-holders rebelled in Tibet in 1959, which ended the above "status quo" agreement. Afterwards serfdom and theocratic rule were abolished, the Tibetan people for the first time realized their fundamental human rights, and the Dalai Lama and his residual followers fled to India and set up an "exile government". Largely through its half-century subversive activity and deceptive propaganda, the West's "romanticism" about Tibet emerged and then went on a rampage.

On the other side, there had been two decades of leftist policies on religious, cultural, and social affairs in Tibet, as in the rest of China, which hurt both the Tibetan majority and Chinese minority people in Tibet.

A re-transformation of Tibet emerged from Deng Xiaoping's reforms at the end of the 1970s. Religious freedom was restored or (exactly speaking) installed in Tibet for the first time; the Tibetan culture was preserved and refreshed with the help of new policies and enormous funds from the central government. Ethnic Tibetans have been granted various preferential treatments. The regional economy has been developing rapidly and people's living standards have impressively improved.

The truth regarding the present Dalai Lama should also be told. He is not a "purely religious leader" but a very political person: Tibet's theocratic ruler before 1959 and the head of Tibetan "exile government" since then. After more than two decades of public advocacy for Tibetan independence, he changed his political posture to allegedly recognize China's sovereignty over Tibet. He did this in order to adapt to a universal recognition in the international community of Chinese sovereignty as well as China's greater stature in the world.

Instead of Tibetan sovereign independence, the present Dalai Lama has advocated a "high degree of autonomy" as the "middle-road" solution.

The essence of his proposal can be regarded as Tibetan de facto independence, overthrowing the fundamental political status in Tibet, and probably also the installment of semi-theocratic rule over that region, or even all the regions in China inhabited by ethnic Tibetans.

The Dalai Lama has proved a cunning strategist. He is fully aware that his greatest asset lies in the romantic belief held by the West, a belief in him as a "purely religious leader" and his "transcendent human charisma", together with its fixed expectations and conviction in his so-called moderation and reasonableness. Therefore, almost all his public behavior aims at maintaining, developing, and exploiting these misconceptions.

Western romantic perceptions about Tibet have resulted, to a large extent, from certain characteristics in the typical Western way of thinking, that is, a simplistic, absolute, and universalistic approach to complex and particularistic matters, together with a kind of rigidity and arrogance in refusing to listen to China. The prevailing Western response toward the mid-March riot in Lhasa in 2008, the related violent humiliation suffered by the Chinese Olympic torch relay in a few Western cities, and the recent meetings with the Dalai Lama by some Western government leaders, hurt the Chinese people's feelings.

China and the West are increasingly dependent on each other in several major fields, whether in the economic or environmental spheres. Mutual good feelings and common interests are conditions indispensable for genuine cooperation and interdependence.

Hence, listening to and understanding China is critical for considering the complex issue of Tibet with sensibility, and for dealing with it both justly and realistically.

The author is a professor of International Relations at the Renmin University of China

(China Daily February 20, 2009)

Tools: Save | Print | E-mail | Most Read
Comment
Pet Name
Anonymous
China Archives
Related >>
主站蜘蛛池模板: 老师别揉我胸啊嗯上课呢视频| 亚洲成a人片在线观看久| avav在线看| 日韩制服丝袜在线| 亚洲成a人片在线不卡一二三区| 白嫩奶水的乳奴| 国产在线观看中文字幕| mm131美女爽爽爽作爱视频| 最近在线2018视频免费观看| 午夜高清啪啪免费观看完整| 香蕉久久av一区二区三区| 大学生男男澡堂69gaysex| 久久精品人成免费| 狂野欧美性猛交xxxx| 国产午夜久久精品| 91不卡在线精品国产| 成年人网站黄色| 亚洲h在线观看| 男女一进一出呻吟的动态图| 国产午夜亚洲精品国产| 四虎在线免费视频| 天天躁日日躁狠狠躁| 久久国产精品一国产精品金尊| 欧美视频www| 又粗又黑又大的吊av| 色综合网站国产麻豆| 国产精品免费观看视频| 一区二区福利视频| 日韩xxxx厕所撒尿视频| 亚洲日韩欧美国产高清αv| 精品日韩欧美国产一区二区| 国产日韩在线观看视频网站| gogo少妇无码肉肉视频| 日本一二三精品黑人区| 久久精品免费一区二区三区| 最新亚洲春色av无码专区| 亚洲理论电影在线观看| 爱情岛论坛网亚洲品质自拍| 免费一级毛片免费播放| 草莓视频在线免费播放草莓视频在线免费播放 | 久久精品小视频|