Indian aspiration versus capability in Maldives

By Sumantra Maitra
0 Comment(s)Print E-mail China.org.cn, February 16, 2018
Adjust font size:

An airport in Maldives [Photo/Xinhua]

The strategic community in India is divided over Maldives. If one is paying attention, there's a huge debate going on about whether to intervene in the small Indian Ocean nation or not.

The former Maldives prime minister has repeatedly said India should intervene to "restore democracy" and has also asked the U.S. and the U.K. to get involved. India apparently has troops, special forces and tanks ready at a certain Southern Indian base, although, it has shown no official inclination of carrying out an actual military intervention. 

That, has divided the strategic community. The hawks in New Delhi, journalists and think tank analysts, want India to intervene. It is not clear what exactly they want, whether a show of force, or an actual force projection. 

Intervention is a vague term, which can mean a lot of things. A flyby of fighters, or a circling of Navy ships can be deemed an intervention. Dispatching a contingent of troops can be intervention. Decapitation strike, gunboat diplomacy and regime change also under this heading. What the foreign policy hawks want, is not clear, except that India should treat the Maldives as her own backyard. 

It is an understanding that stems from New Delhi's policy in regard to the Indian ocean. India considers herself the regional security guarantor, and considers the Maldives as coming within its sphere of influence. 

There is history of Indian intervention, in fact. In 1988, this occurred at the request of the then president Gayoom, who is now under arrest under the current president and his half-brother. Unfortunately, the reality has changed since 1988. The Cold War is over, and the world is no longer stable and bipolar. 

Realists in the Indian defense sector realize that. There has been no call for intervention from New Delhi defense think tanks, nor from government ministries, other than mildly-worded statements about disappointment over what is happening in the island chain. 

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Donald Trump have spoken on the phone, and there has also been communication between India and China. 

There are two considerations stopping India from taking direct action. First, India has, at least rhetorically, repeatedly opposed interventionism and regime change. It comes from self-interest, of course, but it is a logical platform. 

India supports sovereignty over internationalist human rights laws. It is legally easy to intervene in a country when the government of that state is inviting a great power to send in troops. Consider the 1988 instance, or even Russian intervention in Syria. There's always the call that comes from the regime, rather than the opposition. 

Except this time, the call for India has come from the opposition, seeking to topple the Maldivian regime. That's hard for a country, which aspires to be a great power, and talks about international law. If India sets a precedent of intervening for regime change, then it loses the platform to say anything against any other power deciding it wants to force change in any parts of the globe. 

Secondly, India lacks capability. A short-term humanitarian intervention, or a decapitation strike, or even a standoff and show of force is different than an action actively seeking regime change. The latter involves risks of prolonged instability.

India's record is mixed. For example, its three-year intervention in Sri Lanka was an unmitigated disaster. It's unlikely, but even if India proceeds with a regime change, then there will inevitably be a backlash and insurgency and escalation against Indian interests elsewhere. 

Is India capable, willing or prepared to face such contingencies? These are questions that need to be pondered by anyone trying to decide on use of force on any sovereign territory, without legal or international mandate. 

India, America, Britain and China all know the stakes in Maldives. All sides should also keep in mind the necessity of keeping the channels of communication open. The last thing anyone wants is a regional proxy conflict and stand-off in the Indian ocean. 

Sumantra Maitra is a columnist with China.org.cn. For more information please visit:

http://www.ccgp-fushun.com/opinion/SumantraMaitra.htm

Opinion articles reflect the views of their authors only, not necessarily those of China.org.cn.


Follow China.org.cn on Twitter and Facebook to join the conversation.
ChinaNews App Download
Print E-mail Bookmark and Share

Go to Forum >>0 Comment(s)

No comments.

Add your comments...

  • User Name Required
  • Your Comment
  • Enter the words you see:   
    Racist, abusive and off-topic comments may be removed by the moderator.
Send your storiesGet more from China.org.cnMobileRSSNewsletter
主站蜘蛛池模板: 国产精品无码专区在线播放| 精品国产一区二区三区久久狼 | 从镜子里看我怎么c你的阅读视频| h国产在线观看| 成在线人视频免费视频| 亚洲图片欧美文学小说激情| 男女一进一出猛进式抽搐视频| 国产91久久久久久久免费| 制服丝袜怡红院| 在线观看精品国产福利片87| 久久久久久久久久久久久久久| 最近韩国电影高清免费观看中文 | 成年免费a级毛片| 久久久国产精华液| 永久看一二三四线| 国产aⅴ无码专区亚洲av| 香港三级韩国三级人妇三| 国内自拍视频一区二区三区| www夜片内射视频日韩精品成人| 成人免费ā片在线观看| 久99re视频9在线观看| 欧美性猛交xxx猛交| 再灬再灬再灬深一点舒服| 黄色永久免费网站| 国产激情小视频| 亚洲欧美自拍明星换脸| 天天做天天爱夜夜爽毛片毛片| 久久人爽人人爽人人片av| 最新69国产成人精品免费视频动漫| 亚洲人成在久久综合网站| 王小明恶魔手机催眠1-6| 国产三级一区二区三区| 巨胸喷奶水视频www免费视频| 国产色视频免费| 一本一本久久a久久精品综合| 日韩在线观看视频免费| 亚洲欧美国产精品| 精品国产线拍大陆久久尤物| 国产成人av在线影院| 91国内揄拍国内精品对白| 国自产精品手机在线视频香蕉|