SDP leaves Japan gov't with a message

 
0 CommentsPrint E-mail China Daily, June 3, 2010
Adjust font size:

The Social Democratic Party (SDP) made a natural and logical decision on Sunday and broke away from the ruling coalition of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and the People's New Party.

The SDP decided to do so because its leader, Mizuho Fukushima, was dismissed from her Cabinet post as consumer affairs minister after refusing to sign the government's plan to relocate the US Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Okinawa Prefecture.

Like the SDP, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, too, had pledged to seek the relocation of the air base "at least, out of the prefecture". In announcing her party's departure from the ruling camp, Fukushima said: "In practicing politics, we want to take responsibility for what we said." Hatoyama should ruminate on her words.

The SDP's policies on key issues of national security, military bases and the Constitution define the core of its political platform. The SDP has apparently learned a lesson from its past mistake.

In 1994, then Socialist chief Tomiichi Murayama became prime minister of a government supported by the party's coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and New Party Sakigake. As Murayama took office, the SDP changed its positions on key security issues and acknowledged the constitutionality of the Self-Defense Forces and promised to maintain Japan's security alliance with the US.

The abrupt policy shift set the stage for the SDP's long and steady decline, which has continued to this day. The SDP has been deeply traumatized by the experience.

In forming the ruling coalition, the three parties had agreed on 34 policy positions for 10 key issues. The Japan-US security alliance is only one of them. If, however, it is a policy on which the SDP cannot compromise, the party has no choice but to leave the coalition.

But the SDP also decided to keep working with the Hatoyama government on the rest of the coalition agreement. The party says it will not reject cooperation with Hatoyama's DPJ for Upper House election in summer, either. These decisions were made, it says, because a majority of Japanese wish to prevent a revival of the old politics. We welcome the party's wise choice.

Cooperation among political parties doesn't have to be dictated by the logic of either alliance or confrontation. Experiences show that there can be various forms of political cooperation among parties.

The SDP's action plan for 1997 proposed cooperation with the LDP government led by the then prime minister, Ryutaro Hashimoto, from outside the Cabinet.

It was a looser form of alliance focused on cooperation on specific policies rather than the ordinary ruling coalition, which involved participation in the Cabinet.

Japan's political parties are yet to master the art of policy cooperation. They are not good at working out agreements with other parties on specific policy proposals and revising related bills as needed through talks based on various forms of cooperation.

The question now is whether the SDP's decision will lead to the formation of new rules for such flexible cooperation.

It is the DPJ that is facing the need to change its way of thinking. The party has taken many strong actions in its efforts to push its key policy initiatives, including a radical reform of the nation's postal service, through the Diet or the parliament. If it continues using its huge majority in the Lower House to get bills passed by forced votes, it cannot hope to hold constructive policy talks with other parties.

The SDP's departure has reduced the ruling coalition's majority in the Upper House to a razor-thin margin. If it loses its control of the Upper House in the upcoming election amid evaporating public support, the DPJ may start political maneuverings to regain a majority.

If possible opposition control of the Upper House leads to a return to politics focused on grabbing power through whatever means necessary, as symbolized by the aborted agreement between the LDP and the DPJ on a "grand coalition", there can be no progress in the nation's democracy.

Establishing transparent and fair rules for cooperation among parties would radically change the ways the government and the Diet operate.

Print E-mail Bookmark and Share

Go to Forum >>0 Comments

No comments.

Add your comments...

  • User Name Required
  • Your Comment
  • Racist, abusive and off-topic comments may be removed by the moderator.
Send your storiesGet more from China.org.cnMobileRSSNewsletter
主站蜘蛛池模板: 一本到在线观看视频| 国产性生交xxxxx免费| 久久精品国产99久久久| 男女激情边摸边做边吃奶在线观看| 国产你懂的在线观看| 97精品一区二区视频在线观看| 性videos欧美熟妇hdx| 亚洲不卡av不卡一区二区| 精品国产国产综合精品| 国产亚洲午夜高清国产拍精品| 97人妻天天爽夜夜爽二区| 妞干网2018| 两根大肉大捧一进一出好爽视频 | 99久久精品免费看国产| 日本亚洲色大成网站www久久| 亚洲欧美日韩中文字幕在线一区| 色综合天天综合网站中国| 国产精品理论电影| 一级黄色免费毛片| 日韩精品欧美亚洲高清有无| 亚洲色图欧美激情| 色哟哟在线网站| 国产精品久久久久一区二区三区| 91自产拍在线观看精品| 在线观看免费成人| 中文字幕一精品亚洲无线一区 | 一级毛片国产**永久在线| 最近最好的中文字幕2019免费| 亚洲成a人v欧美综合天| 福利片一区二区| 再深点灬舒服灬太大了添学长 | 免费日产乱码卡一卡2卡三卡四| 韩国福利一区二区美女视频| 国产精品资源在线| 一区二区三区日韩| 日本漫画口工全彩内番漫画丝袜| 亚洲日本中文字幕天天更新| 精品一区二区久久久久久久网站| 国产免费黄色大片| 香蕉视频在线免费看| 国产在线拍揄自揄视精品不卡|